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The realities of the two-state solution



The realities of the two-state solution

The belief that a two-state solution is possible and that it is the solution most likely to bring peace is discussed by observers outside of Israel as an almost foregone conclusion. This outsider view too often wholly ignores the unfortunate realities on the ground in Israel. If either side has ever truly considered the possibility of a two-state agreement, it has been in terms of how it will further either side’s overall goals.

And so, as in most discussions related to deeply held beliefs or viewpoints that affect a significant pivot point in history, we must understand perspective before a real solution, or recognition that there may be no immediate solution, can be found.

First, I would like to state that I find it troubling and seriously disconcerting that so often discussions related to propositions for Middle Eastern peace revolve almost exclusively around the actions and policies of Israel, while little to no discussion occurs in regards to the activities and policies of Palestinian organizations and their supporters across the Islamic world. This is especially troubling considering the majority of actions engaged by Israel and its allies, throughout its short but tumultuous history, have been enacted in response to efforts by their enemies and detractors. To understand why Israel has done and continues to do what it’s doing is to understand the motivations of those that Israel sees as enemies to their very existence.

Why do I say very existence? Major Islamic powers, both within Israel and without, have stated unequivocally that their primary reason for organization is to destroy Israel wholly. These are not charters stating a goal of resisting, impeding, or leveraging for a future two-state arrangement. These are specific statements of intention for total annihilation. Iran has called for the destruction of Israel ever since their revolution in 1979, and many experts believe it is for this purpose they have pursued nuclear capabilities. Hamas, the branch of the Muslim Brotherhood currently in political control of the Gaza Strip within Israel, has maintained the Hamas Charter calling for the destruction of Israel for over thirty years. And this is all occurring in a region that has a historical consistency of armed and political opposition to the very existence of Israel, dating back to 1948 when every major Islamic country that bordered Israel declared war upon its creation as a country.

Indeed, Israel’s tactics can easily be seen as harsh. Indeed, their continued expansion of settlements in the West Bank and in Gaza can be seen as colonial supremacy and even a false sense of cultural superiority. It is true that many Israelis honestly hope for the failure of the two-state solution process. But when it is understood that the two-state option is honestly not viewed by either the Israelis or the Palestinians as a final solution, the whole perspective changes. Israelis often see the two-state option as an appeasement to terrorists and the concession of a base of operations for continued militant attacks against them, and they have only entertained its proposal as an option in hopes of gaining concessions that would stymie outside influence amongst the Palestinians. The Palestinians and their allies often view the two-state solution as a victory in splintering the autonomy of an avowed enemy and the creation of leverage for continued disintegration of what they see as an illegitimate state on lands they continue to view as their own.

I do not pretend to know the answer to the question that so many of the world’s foremost leaders have failed to answer: the question of finding peace in the Middle East. But I think it only takes a little common sense to see that current propositions for a two-state solution choose to ignore the factors demonstrating its failings out of a desperate and foolish belief that any agreement is a good agreement.

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